Mekuria Bulcha (Prof.): A Note on Interpretations of the Scottish Referendum in Oromo Media

An interesting discussion is going on among Oromos about the relevance of the Scottish referendum of September 18, 2014, to the Oromo question. On one side, there are those who say that the Scottish referendum has little relevance to the Oromo situation. These point out great differences in the historical relations that the two nations have with the states from which they would separate. On the other side are those who argue that the referendum has relevance. While these paint exaggerated similarities between the Oromo and Scottish experiences under colonialism, they ultimately dismiss the Oromo struggle for independence and advise Oromo nationalists to work for democracy within Ethiopia. They argue that Oromo nationalists should drop the “misconception that democracy is given,” that “an empire cannot be democratized” and that Oromo should struggle to “earn” democracy within Ethiopia (See Gelan on, September 17, 2014). That position is an old one. It is now used to direct Oromo nationalists to interpret the result of the Scottish referendum to mean that they drop their aspiration for an independent Oromo state. In this commentary, I point out that the Scottish referendum was not about achieving democracy (the UK is a democracy), but about the right the Scots have exercised to make their own choice. I argue that the main lesson we can draw from the referendum is that a nation or a people have the right to build their own state irrespective of the nature of the historical relationship they have with the state from which they will separate. Before entering into the discussion of the lesson Oromo can draw from the Scottish referendum, let us first look at some of the main contexts within which political independence has been claimed by different peoples in the past and is also being claimed today.

There are at least three major conditions under which a people would seek independence from a multinational state and form their own sovereign state. The first condition concerns a history of conquest, annexation and colonization of territories by states or empires. Thus, the European colonial conquest in Africa in the nineteenth-century, and in Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean before that, led to the creation of numerous new states in the aftermath of World War II. The indigenous populations, who lost their inalienable rights of self-government as the result of colonization, were empowered by an international convention underlined in the Declaration on Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (Resolution 1514 (XV), adopted by the UN General Assembly in December 1960. Many countries, which were European colonies in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean and the Pacific Region, became sovereign states based on the UN declaration.

The second condition that justified the creation of a new state was a prolonged conflict leading to massive violations of human rights involving a state and a nation, or an indigenous group with a specific homeland or territory. There is a tacit agreement among scholars, human rights activists and statesmen that the creation of new independent states is justified where such a situation obtains and when no solution is in sight. The creation of new states during the Balkan crisis of the 1990s, particularly those of Bosnia and Kosovo, East Timor’s independence from Indonesia in 2005, and the separation of South Sudan from Sudan in 2013, can be cited as the most recent examples here. Annexation is also involved in the cases of East Timor and South Sudan.

The third condition which leads to the creation of a new state occurs when and where the inhabitants of a sub-state or territory show the desire to secede from a state or an empire of which they have been a part for a long time. This has happened many times in the past and is still today in progress in a number of places around the world. Wherever this occurs, a history of conquest, annexation or a political union of some sort could be in the background. This, for example, was the case of the Ukrainians, the Georgians, and the peoples of the Baltic States as well as the remainder of the 18 states that have seceded from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (in effect from the Russian empire) since the 1990. However, the immediate impetus that stirred the desire for secession differed from case to case. Parts of the Ukraine were under Russian rule for over 300 years; its separation from Russia, after such a long period of co-existence, was motivated to a large extent by a call for sovereignty. National sovereignty and national identity were the two reasons given by the peoples of the Baltic States. The separation of former Czechoslovakia into the Czech Republic and Slovakia in 1993 occurred because the Slovak nationalists demanded their own sovereign state. Their desire to secede was not opposed by the Czechs.

Today, a number of nations around the world are aspiring to build their own independent states basing their claims on one or a combination of the conditions described above. To mention some of them, the Catalans are conducting a political struggle to secede from Spain, of which Catalonia has been a part since 1714. They claim that the Catalan language has been suppressed and disadvantaged, and independent Catalonia will fare better economically than in a union with Spain. The French-speaking Quebecois, who will secede from the rest of Canada, will also use the ballot box. They do not claim they are colonized or oppressed by the English-speaking Canadians or the federal government in Ottawa, but say that their desire is to build an independent Quebecois state and run their own affairs. Scotland’s quest for an independent state, notwithstanding its three-century long union with England, is instigated by the desire to live under the umbrella of their own state. I don’t think that the recent “No” vote has put a stop to the desire. In my view, the majority of the Scots have decided to stay in the Union for now, but not forever.

All of the three conditions described above involve some aspect of “human rights.” Basically, the concept of “right” has moral and legal connotations pertaining to rights that belong to all humans. It deals with rights that are generalized as natural and worthy of human beings. The concept denotes, among other things, the right to maintain or develop one’s own identity as an individual or a collectivity. One does not need to ask permission to speak one’s language, practice one’s culture or live one’s life. Normally, one does not do that both as an individual and a people. These are natural rights that belong to all human beings. One does not need others’ permission to breathe the God-given air. Simply stated, a fundamental human right has that “God-given” quality. One does not need to ask for it from others; it is inalienable. One demands recognition and respect for it from others. One has the right to resist its violation by them. It is an inherent right every human being is endowed with in order to enjoy a life worthy of a human being. That is also why it is clearly stipulated and guaranteed by international conventions. That this right is inherent or natural does not mean it is readily exercisable or enjoyable.

It is worthwhile to stress here that a human right is “guaranteed” by international conventions does not mean it is instantly attainable whenever people want to have it. Some form of struggle has to be waged to achieve it. As the late Nelson Mandela has sagaciously reminded us, there is no easy road to freedom. That includes any nation or people who seek political sovereignty. The means used to achieve it is decided by the politics of the concerned state: in democratic states the means used is political and peaceful. It is usually concluded by a referendum.

In dictatorships like Ethiopia, the road to freedom has been made violent by the nature of the state’s resistance to assertion of rights. This is a regrettable reality, but such a road must be traversed to achieve human dignity and respect worthy of a nation. Speaking about means Fredrick Douglass, a hero I always love to quote on the subject of freedom said, in a speech he gave on slavery in 1857, that “Power concedes nothing without demand. It never did and it never will. Find out just what people submit to, and you have found out the exact amount of injustice and wrong which will be imposed on them; and these will continue till they are resisted with either words or blows, or with both.” The Scots used words to exercise their rights. The Scottish right to independence is fully recognized by the government and non-Scottish people of the United Kingdom. That recognition has saved England and Scotland from conflict that could have caused them great tragedy. The Oromo are being denied not only acknowledgment that it is appropriate to exercise their rights, but they are being brutally persecuted when they bring attention to the violations of their God-given rights in peaceful protests.

Other observers have pointed to the great differences between Oromia’s relation to Ethiopia and Scotland’s relation to UK. The differences are historical. Scotland signed the Union Act with England voluntarily in 1707, and they formed a single parliament for both nations. Oromia is a colony kept by brutal force in a “prison house of nations,” as some political philosophers have put it. The Oromo question is one of survival. The present Tigrayan regime introduced a very harsh version of imperial colonial rule using unprecedented violence, particularly against the Oromo nation. As those who follow the politics of the state know, the TPLF leaders have introduced concentration camps and used them as sites for collective punishment. Tortures, rapes and castrations, extra-judicial killings and “disappearances” have been new forms of violent brutality used against individuals by the TPLF-led regime. The late Sigfried Pausewang, who was not known for his support of the idea of an independent Oromo state, but rather for his outspoken criticism of violation of human rights by Abyssinian ruling elites, wrote what the majority of the Oromo had reason to feel in Ethiopia today. He argued that they were not only politically marginalized, controlled and dominated by a ruling party from another ethnicity, but were the single group most exposed to control and repression. He went on saying that, “Oromia is the region with most political prisoners, and most human rights violations, torture in prison, and even disappearances,” and that the federal structure introduced in 1991 “has not been able to soothe the trauma the Oromo suffered after a century of Amhara domination, dispossession and relegation to the status of landless serfs or tenants, and suppression of their language and culture” (see Pausewang, Exploring New Political Alternatives for the Oromo in Ethiopia,” CHR. Michelsen Insitute, 2009). That being the case, the objective of the ongoing Oromo struggle is to reclaim those rights and establish an independent state. The right to political self-determination refers to the right to be what the “self” wants to be. To want to form an independent state or go into a federation with others peoples or states is up to the collective “self” to determine.

As is reflected in the contribution made by some of the commentators on Oromo websites (see for example Nageessa O. Duubee,, September 21, 2014), there is a wish that the present Ethiopian regime will learn lessons from the Scottish referendum and would allow the Oromo to decide their political future through referendum. In the first place, I do not think that the regime will take such a step voluntarily. It has to be forced even to contemplate such an idea. But let us say it allows referendum to take place in Oromia. Will the Oromo majority say “No” to independence? I have strong doubts about that. My guess is that, given the chance, the vast majority of the Oromo will say “Yes” to independence, and “No” to staying under the umbrella of the Ethiopian state. If we read the writing on the wall carefully, the Oromo have already said, “Enough is enough.”

But, say I am wrong and the “No” to independence vote wins and the dream of pro-Ethiopia Oromo politicians is fulfilled. Will that bring democracy to Ethiopia? I do not think so. Occupying Menelik’s palace (as some pro-Ethiopia Oromo politicians insist) in coalition with Abyssinian political elites will not turn the latter into democrats overnight. We all know that the concept of democracy is alien to them.

In conclusion, what the Scottish referendum shows is that the idea of an independent Oromo state is not “out-of-date,” as one may think. The referendum demonstrates that it is the inalienable right of people anywhere in the world to claim independence from a state of which they constitute a part. Furthermore, when it is normal and acceptable that the Scots, who have lived in a voluntary and democratic union with the English for 307 years, could without any problem vote to leave the union, it is scandalous to argue against Oromo independence from a state that has treated them with horrendous cruelty for 130 years.

* Mekuria Bulcha, PhD and Professor of Sociology, is an author of widely read books and articles. His most recent book, Contours of the Emergent and Ancient Oromo Nation, was published by CASAS (Centre for Advanced Studies of African Society), Cape Town, South Africa, in 2011. He was also the founder and publisher of The Oromo Commentary (1990-1999). He is an active member of the OLF and has served in the different branches of the national movement since the 1970s.


Views and news from the 4th New World Summit of Stateless States

Dr. Shigut Geleta speaks atmThe New World Summit-Brussels Stateless State
Dr. Shigut Geleta addresses The New World Summit of Stateless State
The New World Summit of Stateless State was held from September 19-21 at Royal Flemish Theatre (KVS) in Brussels, Belgium. Twenty stateless political organisations have been participated on this summit. The Summit was divided in to five sessions. These are: Oppressive State, Progressive state, Global state, New States and Stateless State. Dr. Shigut Geleta has presented on the Oromo issues on the first session and his paper addressed how successive Ethiopian regimes orchestrated the notion of self-determination and attempted to blackmail genuine Oromo Liberation struggle.

shigut4 shigut3 shigut2 shigut1


A Criminal State: The Blacklisting of the Oromo Liberation Struggle for Freedom and Democracy

The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) is a political and militant organization that fights for the self-determination of the Oromo people against Ethiopian rule. As a result of the struggle that began after the Ethiopian colonization of Oromia in the late 19th century, the OLF was formed as a secular, military organization that ousted Emperor Haile Selassie during the Marxist-Leninist revolution in 1974. The OLF has also fought the subsequent Derg military regime (1974-1991) in coalition with other military nationalist organizations, such as the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). When the thirty-year civil war finally led to the toppling of the Derg regime in 1991 and the independence of Eritrea, the OLF participated in the mainly TPLF’s dominated Transitional Government of Ethiopia. As the TPLF consolidated its grip on power and continued to negate the political autonomy of the Oromo, the OLF left the Transitional Government in June 1992, which leads to a violent backlash against the Oromo population. Currently, despite being a democracy in theory, both the military regime as well as the political and economical sphere is dominated by the Tigrayan minority. As a consequence, other oppressed ethnicities such as the Ogaden and the Oromo continue their military and political struggle for self-determination. Following Ethiopia’s adoption of the restrictive Anti-Terrorism Proclamation in 2009, the OLF was blacklisted as a terrorist organization along with the ONLF and the Ginbot 7 movement, which lead to large-scale arrests and prosecution of prominent members of these groups, including parliament members and candidates.

This lecture addressed the manner in which blacklisting a political movement as ‘terrorist’ functions as an ideological cover-up of the enforced administrative construct of the Ethiopian state. Apart from the Oromo, who represent the largest ethnic group in the country, many other peoples struggle for independence from the contested state. At what level can we argue that the state of Ethiopia even exists, when its main legitimacy seems to be based on its capacity to suppress the very political majorities that constitute it? The blacklisting of a people’s history thus becomes a way of evading confrontation with the criminal dimensions of the state itself.

Dr. Shigut Geleta is Head of the Oromo Liberation Front’s (OLF) Diplomatic Division.

Source: Extracted from Brochure of the summit


September 17, 2014 Written by Ayele Gelan Published in Opride Contributors
ethiopia uk.jpgIn a landmark referendum on Sept. 18, the people of Scotland will vote Yes or No to determine the future of their 300-year-old union with England.

The simplicity of the question and the answers are by no means indicative of the intensity of the debates and emotions in this campaign. There have been passionate debates over the years between the unionists and Scottish nationalists. The publicity of the campaigns has generated a lot of interest around the world. As a result, this week’s vote is being closely watched by Oromo activists and nationalists the world over who are still trapped in old empires. What lessons can be gleaned from the Scottish case for the decolonization of the Ethiopian empire and the Oromo people’s aspiration for an independent statehood?

Involuntary Unions
There are several remarkable similarities between Scotland and Oromia. First, both are endowed with abundant natural resources. Second, both Scotland and Oromia were involuntarily incorporated into empires by their next door neighbors. The Scots have a humorous saying which goes something like this: During creation, God gave Scotland many good things — fascinating lakes, beautiful beaches, majestic mountains and etc. One of his companions commented: Lord, this is not fair; you are being too generous to Scotland, you do not seem to mix it with anything bad. To which God replied, “just wait and see what kind of neighbor I will give Scotland!”

The Scottish people spent several hundreds of years fending off the English. This culminated in the Acts of Union in 1707 when the English and Scottish parliaments voted to create the United Kingdom. Scotland was in economic bankruptcy and it had no more energy left to resist another invasion and continued meddling by the English. Like the Scottish wars of independence, Oromos in Central, Southern and Eastern Oromia put up years of stiff resistance against Abyssinian occupation. In some ways, the acts of union also resembles the incorporation of Western Oromia into the Abyssinian empire. The beheading of William Wallace, a prominent Scottish hero, resonates well with cases of Oromo heroes who perished, amputated or mutilated at the battles of Gulale, Aanolee, Chalanqo and many others.

Like the Scots, the Oromo were treated inhumanely by the invading Abyssinian feudal lords. For instance, the industrial revolution in England was fueled by wool supplied by absentee landlords who evicted Scottish highlanders from their lands to give way for large scale sheep rearing. Similarly, the Oromo experienced a grand scale dispossession under the Gabbar system, which appropriated virgin farmlands to feudal landowners. For the Scots, the greatest victim was their language, Gaelic, which suffered hugely in part due to the highland clearance and relocation of Scottish farming communities to faraway territories such as Nova Scotia in Canada. In contrast, Oromo farmers endured the brunt of exploitation toiling their own land for absentee landlords as serfs and slaves. This together with the demographic balance helped the survival of the Oromo language against all odds.

Empire building
To borrow an Orwellian expression, all empires are wicked but some are less wicked than others. With regard to the relative successes of the empires that absorbed them, the fate of Scotland and Oromia could not be more different. In Oromia’s case, it goes without saying that the Ethiopian empire failed to establish any degree of cohesion among its constituencies. The fact that a situation similar to the Scottish highland clearances is still happening in Oromia — nearly a century and a half later — is a testament to the farcical nature of the Ethiopian empire.

By contrast, despite all the setbacks that came with losing independence, Scotland thrived in the UK, where the whole became greater than sum of the individual parts. For one, under the terms of the Acts of the Union, Scotland retained most of its institutions, e.g., legal system, education, church and etc. This helped energize the union. Success in domestic economy through a series of revolutions (e.g. agricultural and industrial) propelled the UK to emerge as one of the most powerful nations on earth, so much so that it came to be known as “the empire on which the sun never sets.” In effect, Scotland and England built solid institutions and sustained enviable democratic governance. The same can’t be said about Oromia. The Amharanization doctrine was essentially designed to wipe out all aspects Oromo socio-political, religious and cultural institutions and aggressively replace it by official state functions.

What can Oromos learn from the Scottish nationalists?
There is no doubt that both Scotland and Oromia were victims of internal colonization. Both nations experienced brutal wars of conquest in the centuries leading up to and during their involuntary incorporation into burgeoning empires. Both Scotland and Oromia maintain distinct culture and history from their neighbors. Thus, it is ironic that the Scottish nationalists did not anchor their case for independence on history. They have not campaigned on the principle of decolonization. Past history or injustices during wars of resistance did not play any part in the Scottish independence rhetoric during the referendum debate. In fact, most cases for Scottish independence dramatically contrast with Oromia’s circumstances.

The Scots, who constitute about 8.4 percent of the UK’s population, are a minority group. This led to a phenomenon commonly referred to as democratic deficit, meaning political parties could form a government in the Westminster regardless of which way the Scottish people voted. For instance, for far too long, the Conservative Party have been governing the UK with no electoral mandate in Scotland. This is why the Scottish National Party (SNP) firmly anchored their argument on the principle that no matter how hard they try to perfect the union, democracy is unlikely to work in favor of the Scottish people so long as Scotland remained in the UK. Needless to say, in contrast to Scotland’s clear disadvantage, Oromia enjoys a massive demographic advantage. This means democracy will work exceptionally well for Oromos.

Several attempts have been made to address Scotland’s democratic deficits through referendums for Scottish devolution. This culminated in the formation of the Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh in 1999. However, the devolution of the political power have not led to any meaningful economic power. For instance, the parliament had power to spend funds allocated to it from the Westminster but it had no power to raise its own revenues through taxes. This fuelled the rationale for independence advocated by the SNP who rested their economic case on the fact that the oil-rich Scotland is actually a net contributor to the UK treasury, by about 400 pounds per person. In Oromia’s case, it would be unfair to talk about the state’s share in government revenue in terms of some marginal net contribution; it suffices to say the bulk of Ethiopian government revenue from domestic sources is generated in Oromia. However, it should be noted that Scotland’s economic case for independence is rooted in the incurable democratic deficit, which in turn is explained by its demographic disadvantage. On the contrary, Oromia is not expected to encounter the Scottish economic dilemma provided that Oromos assert their power to establish a democratic and genuinely federal system of government.

Scotland is located in the periphery of the UK. Peripheral locations often find themselves in disadvantageous positions because resources (human and financial) tend to move and concentrate in the center through forces of agglomeration. More and more jobs are created in London and its surroundings in England. The youth and the skilled among the Scottish people migrate to England in search of jobs. Similarly, investment resources follow suit through the banking system. It requires a good deal of government intervention to slow down this self-reinforcing cumulative process of resource outflow from the periphery to the center. The Scottish independence is essentially meant to reduce or stop the resource outflows by creating jobs in Scotland.

By contrast, Oromia occupies a vast landmass in Ethiopia, comparable more to England in the UK than Scotland. In fact, Oromia is already a magnet, a preferred destination for investors from domestic and international sources. Under normal circumstances, such resource inflows are considered a blessing. However, circumstances are not normal in Oromia so we see resources as a curse to our people. The main reason for this is that Oromos do not not participate in critical aspects decision-making (e.g., investor selection, business location, or employment contracts).

Contested viewpoints
The similarities and differences between Oromia and Scotland may enable us to shed some light on established contrasting viewpoints in Oromo nationalist rhetoric. From the foregoing discussion, it is clear that the SNP has mainly campaigned on democratic principles. In that sense, SNP’s strategy is consistent with the pro-democracy viewpoint in the Oromo movement. The former to justify departure from the UK empire and the latter to justify feasible and possible achievements of democracy within Ethiopia.

While similar to the pro-independence camp in Oromia, the SNP chose not to invoke decolonization as a rallying cry. To be fair, colonial trappings are a thing of distant past within the boundaries of the UK. In contrast, archaic colonial behaviors and sentiments are still rife in the Ethiopian empire. This has made the road to freedom a lot more complicated for Oromos than the Scots, with clashes between contesting viewpoints.

At this juncture, it is useful to draw attention to a few conceptual muddles that might have exacerbated the differences. One is related to the issue of “democratic principle” as discussed in the context of the Ethiopian empire. It should be clear that “democratic deficit” does not mean “lack of democracy.” Oromo nationalists often say, “the Ethiopian empire has been ruled by dictators who do not give democracy to the people.” This expression comes from a misconception that democracy is in fact “given.” The reality is democracy is never given, it is “earned” by establishing power balance through a resolute struggle. As such, it is not tenable to rest the case for Oromia’s independence on the supposition that democracy will not work in the Ethiopian empire. This amounts to resigning from endeavoring to establish power equilibrium through which democracy can come to existence.

Similarly, we often hear assertions such as “an empire cannot be democratized.” The UK is the mother of all empires and yet it is one of the most democratic countries on earth. The English, who are the majority group in the UK, do not seem to have any trouble with UK’s democratic governance. But the minority Scots have expressed a legitimate grievance that UK’s democracy did not work for them. It is true that the English were colonizers in the context of the UK but then again we should note how they “achieved” democracy through Magna Carta long before they became colonizers.

In a nutshell, Scotland’s potential independence offers little in a way of practical lessons for Oromia. Oromo nationalists should instead look at multi-ethnic states such as Malaysia and South Africa on how the majority can and should assert themselves to build democracy. If anything, Oromo leaders should emulate the SNP’s vision and style of effective leadership to mobilize and energize their base in order to realize the aspiration of Oromo people for freedom.

* Ayele Gelan (PhD) is a research economist at the Kuwait Institute for Scientific Research (KISR). He can be reached for comment at

Seenaa Gabaabaa Aadde Faaxumaa Galmoo

Aadde Faaxumaa Galmoo, 1930-2014
Aadde Faaxumaa Galmoo, 1930-2014
(Haadha Abdii)

Qabsoo ummanni Oromoo gabrummaa jalaa bahuuf godhaa jiru keessatti injifannoon hamma yoonaa galmaawan heddu. Injifannoolee tana galmeeysuuf, biyya keessa qofa odoo hin taane, biyyoota alaa keessattiis wal’aansoo cimtuu tu adeemsifame. Akkuma kan biyya keessaatti, wal’aansooleen biyya alaatti godhamaniis seenaa if dandaye qabu.

Biyyoota sabni Oromoo maalummaa isaanii falmachuuf qabsoo cimtuu itti adeemsisan keessaa takka Somaalee dha. Tan lamadaa Jabuuti. Biyya Jabuutii keessatti maalummaa ifii beeysisuuf wal’aansoon Oromootaan godhamte, tan biyya Soomaalee tiin waldhabbii qabaattullee haala walfakkiitiis guddo qabdi. Kan biraa yo hanqate, hawaasa biyya sanii Oromummaa fudhachiisuuf qabsoon godamtee fii wareegamni saniif bahe tan biyya Soomaalee irraa gadii miti.

Akkuma kan biyya keessaatti, wal’aansoolee biyyoota alaatti godhaman keessattiis namoota seena qabeessa tahan tu jira. Haala kanaan, qabsoo Oromummaa beeysisuuf biyya Jabuutii keessatti adeemsifamte keessatti, warri maqaan isaanii alagaa fii lammii biratti sadarkaa duraatti beekkame keessaa tokko kan Aadde Faaxumaa Galmoo ti. Aadde Faaxumaa Galmoo, abbaa isii Obbo Aammad Muummad Galmoo fii haadha isii Aadde Aaminaa Alii irraa Bitooteessa 15, bara 1930-tti magaalaa Dirree Dhawaatti dhalatte. Abbaa fii haati aadde Faaxumaa, isii malees, ilmaan dhiiraa sadihii fii tan dubartii afur horan. Warri aadde Faaxumaa, Warri Galmoo, warra guddaa Dirree Dhawaa fii naannoo isiitti haalaan beekkame.

Gaafa umrin aadde Faaxumaa heerumaaf gaye, hireen bultii, Obbo Aammad Sheekh Usmaan Qawwee, nama dhaloonni Yakkaa, kan barnoota amantii tiif qe’eerraa fagaatee odoo daddeemuu Dirree dhawaa qubate, waliin walitti hiite.

Obbo Aammad akka aaddee Faaxuma fuudheen, bara 1964 keessa, hujii baabura gubbaa tan hojjachaa tureen haala walqabateen, gama Jabuutii deemuu mudate. Akka achi seeneen, warra aadde Sa’iidaa Abdallaa Kaamil, haadha warra Usmaail Galmootti dhihaate. Haati warra Usmaa’il Galmoo nama saba Affar irraa dhalate. Soddoonni obbo Aammad Jabuutii keessatti arkate gargaarsa barbaaduun itti dirmatanii, akka xiqqo tureen, hujii mootummaatti galmeeysan. Inniniis akka qubachuu isaa mirkaneeffateen, bara 1968 keessa, maatii isaa Dirree Dhawaa irraa if biratti godaansise.

Yaroon aadde Faaxuma biyya Jabuutii itti seente, yaroo warri biyyaa bulchiinsa Faransaayii ifirraa kaasuuf qabsaawaa turani. Aadde Faaxuma, nama sossoohinsi Afran Qalloo Dirree Dhawaa keessatti duruu onnee danfise waan taateef, dhibdee warra biyyaa hubachuuf yaroo irraa hin fuune. Falmaa abbaa biyyummaa fii fincilli sirna koloneeffataa ifirraa buqqaasuuf biyya Jabuutii keessatti godhamaa jiru, haala biyya abbaa isii tiin waan itti walfaakateef, guututti bira dhaabachuun barbaachisa tahuu daftee hubatte.

Aadde Faaxuma, sossoohinsa ummanni biyya Jabuutii godhaa jiran, kan ija isii tiin agarterraa hiis hubannootaa fii dammaqiinsa gudda arkatte. Kuni dammaqiinsa sossooha Afran Qalloo irraa arkatte daranuu keessatti cimse. If bira tartee, dubartoota Oromoo kanneen dammaqiinsa akka isii qaban, warra akka aadde Zeeynabaa Ibraahimii fii Halloo Sheekhaa (Habo Halloo) waliin tahanii, sossooha warra biyyaa maddii dhaabbachaa, ifiifiis wal gurmeeysuu jalqaban.

Haalli kuni, mootummaa Hayle sillaasee tan Jabuuti falmachaa jirtuu fii aadde Faaxumaa Galmoo walitti buuse. Embaasiin Xoophiyaa haala kanarraa isii qophuuf, waan itti jirtu dhiiftee, jaarmaya Waldaya Gargaarsa Dubartoota Iteege Manan kan ja’amu, kan maqaa niitii Hayle Sillaasee tan xiqqo dura duuteen moggaafametti akka makamtu ajajan. Saniifiis xalayaa miseensummaa dhaaba isaanii manatti erganiif. Garuu, onneen aadde Faaxumaa jibba gabroomsaa tiin guutamtee waan turteef, amrii gabroomfataa gurrattuu hin-qicanne. Inumaatuu, gochi jaraa, haala itti jirtutti daran akka cimtu godhe.

Waxabajjii 27, bara 1977, ummanni Jabuutii bulciinsa Faransaayii jalaa walaba akka tahaniin, Oromoonni biyya san keessa jiran, waldaya wal-gargaarsa Oromootaa kan Caayaa Oromoo-tti beekkamuuf jiraatu heeraan galmeeyfatan. Mootummaan Jabuutii, Maabara Xoophiyaa biratti Caayaa Oromoo galmeeysuun faallaa fedhii mootummaa Xophiyaa ti ture. Garuu murtii akkasii akka fudhattu an dirqe, tin’sa aadde Faaxumaa fii Oromoonni biyya san keessa turan qabsoo bilisummaa isaanii tiif godhani.

Caayaan Oromoo Jabuutii dhaabota biyya alaa keessatti maqaa Oromoo tiin jaaramanii heeraan galmeeffamaniif kan angafaa ti. Caayaan dhaabbatte, lammii Oromoo biyya san keessa qubatan gurmeeysuu malees, sossooha qabsoo bilisummaa Oromiya kan biyya keessatti jalqabameef dugugguuruu (lafee duuydaa) taate. Caayaan Oromoo Jabuutii damee lama qabdi. Dameen tokko kan Dhiiraa yaroo tahu kaan han Duartootaa ti. Damee lameen keessaa kan dubartoota haalaan cimaa ture. Kanaafiis sababni aadde Faaxuma. Gaafa Caayaan dhaabbaterraa, aadde Faaxumaa Galmoo, hooggantuu Caayaan Oromoo damee dubartootaa taate.

Caayaan Oromoo Jabuutitti dhaabbachun, yaroo mootummaan Soomaalee lafa Oromiyaa irraa hamma tokko kutachuuf, Dargii, warra Hayle Sillaasee iraa aangoo fudhatan waliin lola cimaa adeemsisaa turani. Lolli kuni, ummata Oromoo jalaa gubbaan ibiddaaf saaxile. Soomaaleen jalaan, Dargiin gubbaan, madaafa ijaa-gurra hin qabne waliti haruun, namaa-sa’a Oromoo qe’ee gugachiisuu jalqaban. San malees, yaroo sanitti, Dargiin Oromoota magaalota keeysa jiran Soomaalee gargartaniin araraasutti seente. Haalii kun Oromoota magaalotaa fii baadiyyoota lollii keessatti deemaa jiru, baqaaf qaadhime. Xiqqaa fi guddaan hawaasaa, Sheekkotiin, hayyoonni, manguddoon, waliigalatti, qarayyoon lammii odoo hin feene, qe’ee itti dhalatanii guddatan irraa biyyaa fii hawaasa hin beeyne, kan Somaalee fii Jabuutiitti, koluu bahuu jalqaban.

Aadde Faaxumaa Galmoo, tan yaroo tanatti Haadha Abdii taate, haala Oromoota mudate kanarraa akkaan gaddite. Isii fii aabban warraa tiis, ummata yakka tokko malee, qabeenyaa fii biyya isaanii irraa arihaman duratti jiruu sadoo jiraachuu maganfatanii, qabeenyaa fii onnee isaanii lammii isaanii tiif banan. Manaa fii mooraan isaanii kan baqattootaa tahee, Beet-Refuujii, ja’amutti seene.

Haadha Abdii tii fii mieensoonni Caayaa Oromoo Jabuutii, odoo dhibdee haalli armaa olii hawaasa Oromoo mudeef rakkatanuu, haalli qabsoo Oromoo biyya keessatti babal’atee, inniniis gama isaa tiin baqattoota alatti yaasuu jalqabe. Kuni Oromoota Jabuutii keeysa jiran kanneen ifiifuu jiruu jiraa gadii jiraachaa jiranitti ba’aa biraa dabale.

Yaroo tana, aadde Faaxumaa, yaroo hujii xixiqqoo cinatti hojjattee maatiif galii ittiin argaamsiiftu baqattoota gargaaruu irratti fuulleeysite. Baqattoota ummatarratti hiruun, warra ugummaa adda addaa qabanii hujii soquun, warra afaan hinbeeyneef simaa-baloo tahuun, kanneen dhukbsataniif qoricha barbaaduu fii mana yaalaa geeysuun hujii isii tahe.

Gama biraa iin, yo namni Oromoo toko du’e, khafana barbaaduun, lafa qabrii qotuu fii tajaajila reeyfaaf barbaachisu godhanii heeraan awwaaluun hujii abbaa Abdii yo tahu, awwaalchaa fii taaziyaa galte gurra namaatiin geeyuun hujii haadha Abdii tahe. Kana godhuuf, oowwa biyya Jabuutii kan halkanii fii guyya adda hin filanne keeysa, fooxaa isii mataarra kaayyattee, haga tokko lafarraa harkisaa, akka nama maratetti gandarra daddeemti. Haala isii kanarraa qalbiin fayyaa miti warri jechaa turan heddu. Awwaala boodaas, gaddi nama fira hin qabnee bakki itti taa’amu, yaroo baayyee, mana haadha Abdii ti. Akkasiin haati Abdii kan du’e awwaaltee, kan awwalcha dhuufe nyaachifte, addaan galchiti.

Haati Abdii, oggaa nama Oromoo tokkorra rakkoo tu gayee jachuu dhageeyse, gargaarsaaf yaroo itti lafaa kaatu if quba hin qabdu. Akkuma yaroo gaddaatti, fooxaa lafarra harkisaa, gandarra kaatti. Warra hojii qaburraa maallaqa hamma danda’an irraa funaantee kan rakkate rakkoo baafti. Waliigalatti, magaalaa Jabuutii keessatti yo namni Oromoo tokko hidhame kan gargaarsaaf yaammatu ykn himatu aadde Faaxuma . Kan dura dirmatuus isuma tahe.

Rakkoon baqataa Oromoo tii fii Oromiyan gabrummaa Habashaa jala jiraachuu haadha Abdii tiif takkaa hiriiba hin laanne. Dhuma bara torbaatamootaa, obboleeysi isii sab-boonaan, sossooha Afran Qallootiif utubaa ture, Obbo Usmaa’il Galmoo, manguddoota sossooha san tin’isaa turan waliin qabamee mootummaa Dargiitiin hidhame. Dargiin, isaa fii warra kaaniis hamma tokkoo eega mana hidhaa keessatti eega araraasan booda, galgala Waxabajjii 07a, bara 1979ii, mana hidhaa keessaa dhooysaan baasanii hiraataaf rasaasa nyaachisan. Kan kana godhaniif, firoottanii fii Oromoota biraa ittiin doorsisuu fi. Haa tahu malee, kuni, garaa aadde Faaxumaa daranuu jabeeysee, murannoo qabsoo bilisummaa tiif qabdu caalaa godhe.

Haati Abdii, guyyaan hunda caalaa isitti hammaate, kan isiin iraanfachu hindandeenye, bara 1991 keeysa, gaafa ummanni Issaa baqattoota Oromoorrati duula bananiin lammii isii bayyinaan qaqqalan tahuu mararfattee dubatti. Gaafana, baqattoota dhibba lamaa olii tu mana isiitti dhokote. Guyyaan kun guyya dukkanawaa jireenya isii tahee hafe.

Aadde Faaxuma, haala armaa olii tiin, jireenya sii guutuu, manaa fii maatii isii hadiyyeessitee, hara-galfii malee, arjummaa hambaa hinqabneen, baqataa Oromo tii fii qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo gargaaraa akka turte, Oromoota haala baqattummaa tiin Jabuutii keeysa dabran, saboontaa fii qabsaawota bira dabree alagaanilleen ragaa bahaniif.

Haati Abdii, nama faxina dafee waa hubatuu fii baratu. Nama yaroo waa’ee saba isii haasawutti kaate, yaanni akka galaanaati qoma keessaa burqu dhagayamee hin quufamne. Nama odoo mana barnootaa hin dhaqin, afaan Oromoo malees, kan Arabaa, Soomaalee, Affaar, Amaara, Adaree fii Faransaayii sirritti dubbatu.

Jaalalti haati Abdii bilisumaa ummata Oromo tiif qabdu hoonga hin qabdu. Haa tahu malee, dhibdee dadarkaa umrii fii if tajaajiluu dhabarraa itti dhufteen, baroota as aanaa kana dhukubsattee siree mudatte. Yaroo hamma tokkoof, maatii isii tiin odoo tajaajilamaa jirtuu, bilisummaa saba isii tiif hawwitu odoo ijaan hin arkin, Fulbaana 09, bara 2014, biyyuma baqattoota Oromoo kumaatama gargaaraa turtetti, gara fuula Rabbitti deebite.

Haati Abdii, Abdi malees, haadha Fooziya (Hiddii), Usmaan, Sa’iida, Aniisaa fii Aaminaa ti. Aadde Faaxumaa Galmoo, seena fincila diiddaa gabrummaa kan bara dheeraaf deemaa jiru keeysati qoodni laatte haalaan gudda. Qooda qabsoo saba Oromootifi gumaachite, seenaan qabsoo bilisummaa Oromiyaa bara baraan yaadata.

Rabbi jannataan haa qanani’u.

Qabsaawaan ni kufa, qabsoon itti fufa!
Oromiyaan ni bilisoomti!

Abbaa Faayoo / Abbaa Urjii

10 comments – What do you think?
Posted by admin – 11/09/2014 at 11:29 pm
Categories: Oromia Tags:
10 Responses to “Seenaa Gabaabaa Aadde Faaxumaa Galmoo”

murtiguuto says:
12/09/2014 at 12:32 am
Harme haadha qabsoo haadhaqabsaawoota haadha oromo haadha oromiya oromtitti bareeddu yaajaalattu biyya hujiinte baarrddu seenaantee miidhagdu akkumaan lammiintee sijaalattu horteen tee siiboocchu garaan dacchiitiis siifhaalaaftu waaqayyoon qanno qananiitiin sihaaqananiisu oowwi qabbana siif haatahu aakkuma jireenya biyyalafa daran kangaraadachi siifhaatolu ilmaanketiifi lammitee anaas dabalatee jajjabina waaqayyoon nuufhaalaatu .

Amin jundi says:
12/09/2014 at 3:01 am
Ati duutus seenaan kee bara baraan jiraata.

Adde faaxumman haadha Abdii Caalaa haadha Oromootiin beekamitti. Duuti dhuma Jireenya Nama hundaa ta’ulle du’a hanbaa qabdu kan lammiin isii bara bara yaadatu kan seenaa oromoo keessatti galmee gootota gubbaatti cululuqee jiraatu waan taateefi ilmaan isii fii maatii isii qofa osoo hinta’in kan qamaan isii wajjiin jiraateefi hojjates ta’ee kan seenaan isii dhagayelle seenaa isii ittiin boonna. Haati oromoo jabuutii keessatti ijjoollee oromoo bakka dhalootaafi amantiin hingaafatin kan harka isii irraa hin nyaatin kan gaargaarsi isii hindhaqqbin jabuuti keessa hinjiraanne . Haati oromoo baqattoota oromoo qofa osoo hinta;in hoogganoonni qabsoo oromoo kan akka bosonaatti mana isiitti hintajaajilamin jiru. Adde faaxummaan qabsoo ormoo biyya alaatti geeggeffamaa ture keessatti sabbontuu hiriyyaa hinnqabnne qabsofittu fakkii hinqabnne kennaa waaqayyoon oromoo badhaase keessaa tokko yoo jedhan dhugarraa hinfagaanne. Yaa haadha tiyya yaa harmee ijoolle oromoo jabuuti yaa haadha qabsaawota oromoo akka qalbiin kee nuhundaafi banaa turetti hulaan jaannataa banaa siif haata’u. Akka ati jaalala daangaa hinqabnnen nu hunda jaalatutti malaa’kaan rabbii jaalalan sihaaqeebalan, akka ati nujaajilitette sihaatajaajilan. Seenaan kee bara baraan yaadannoo dhaloota oromoo akka taa’u shakkii hinqabu. Maayyitti oromoonni qaamaanis ta’ee seenaan isii beeytaniifi maatii isii hundaafi jabinna nuuf haakennu. Rabbii faaxumma galimoo biroo oromoo keessaa nuuf haabiqilichu.
Amin Jundi

The Black, Red and white Flag, the link between the Oromo and the Cush civilization

By Rundassa Ashetee |
images imgres1 imgres2
Recently, I watched a short documentary produced by some Habasha man who used the Oromo flag of Black, Red and White colors as an evidence that links the Oromo people to the middle eastern nations. Because of this documentary, I did some research and found that 28 Arabs countries have black, Red and White color flags though these colors were aligned differently from the Oromo. This research also reminded me the inscriptions I grew up seeing on Oromo tools such as;

Wullee, Buqqee (Qulluu)
Siree (a bed made from leather and wood)
As I thought of the writings I saw on these items when I was a kid, I thought of the Guraamalee or the Taatuu that our people decorate themselves with and wondered why these inscriptions resumable the Cush (Pharaohs) era items and inscriptions. The further I looked at these items and compared them to what I saw back at home, I concluded that the pharaoh time scripts are the same as the Oromo scripts engraved into the items I described above, except that I don’t know how to read them.

Now I know this much, I am anxious to learn what this inscriptions represent or say?. Obviously, these writings extend our history to the days of the Pharaohs earliest stages of graphic development as much as our Black, Red and White color flag that the Arabs borrowed from us tells our earliest history.

Of course, not only these inscriptions but our Urjii lakaawu (astronomy)/astrology and religious values are part of our historical records and we need to feel proud of them. Personally, when I am proud of our true civilization, I equally feel sad by the fact that our own civilization is now recognized as the Egyptian, Assyrian, and Babylonian civilization. Worse of all, the Habasha sons who take pride in the history of European conquests and evil deeds now preach to us that they have this great achievement that yet not worthy of neither praise nor exalt, glorification nor aggrandizement. Indeed, as much our Black, Red and White color Flag links us to the oldest human civilizational root, the Habasha Green, Yellow and Red color flag links them to their domestic slave status of their European masters.
What ever the case might be, now I know what those inscriptions I grew up seeing on Wullee, Qabee, Okolee, Alangee or Boraatii etc really means, I urge our people to find these items and preserve them to donate to the future of Oromia’s national Museum. Although we don’t know yet the exact meaning of these inscriptions written on our tools, we can see the relationship they have with thePharaohs time inscriptions. They are developed to express our ancestor’s world views in the Cush language which we still share with many Cushitic nations across the African continent.

These inscriptions show the oldest language written and passed down to our parents though the recently re-developed Hebrew, Arabic and Latin alphabets overshadowed their existence. It is true and will remain to be true that humanity didn’t exist on earth only for 2,014 years, or since the birth of Jesus, and there is no reason to ignore all the civilizations that have been used prior to the middle eastern people rise and invasion of Africa and Europe.

We know that with the possible exception of Pythagoras, no Greek person seem to have understood that the Gadaa system was the root of what they call “Democracy”.

As to the Habasha man who say we share our flag with the middle east nations, it is worthless to debate with them on matters such as this since they neither possessed any knowledge of ancient history nor they have any interest to know the truth. But I thank the man who helped me to realize that my people all over Oromia carried Black, Red and White Flag for tens of thousands of years along the original scripts they drew on the day to day items they have been using.
This being said, who knows Baallee might become the new tourist destination as more and more people become educated and wish to learn that the Cush civilization still exists now for tens of thousands of years.
Rundassa Ashetee